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Jerry is the leader of a large 9/12 Project group in New Hampshire, in fact his is the largest 9/12 Project group in the State. What Beck inspired in Jerry years ago is still alive and well in Jerry now, as Jerry made his way from New Hampshire to Bunkerville, Nevada to stand for Cliven Bundy's rights, States rights, and all Americans' rights.
Jerry DeLemus is a U.S. Marine Veteran with a great clear mind and an enviable conscience. He is the sort of man whom Glenn Beck would want to run a 9/12 Project group. So that is where an irony comes into play. Stewart Rhodes told me I could play with this one a bit, so please indulge me a bit of reflective Beck-bashing.
I have been observing Glenn Beck for a goodly number of years, beginning with seven years of his radio show at my place of work five days per week. I've watched him weave and wriggle, waver and wrangle in his fusion of entertainment and enlightenment. I witnessed in horror as he trashed Ron Paul pitifully, over and over again when America most needed Ron Paul's presence. Glenn came back around later and lamented that he was wrong to do that to Ron Paul, but of course the damage had been done and millions of Americans did not vote for Ron because Glenn had told them that Ron was "un-electable".
Over the years I've watched Glenn Beck be "wrong" many times. But in recent times I've noticed that Glenn is learning. He is slow, to be sure, and has shown that he is not really "there" yet by his treatment of the Bundy family's fight with the Feds. But Glenn is moving toward the true spirit of our Founders. And while that is good, it also leaves the window open through which might fly yet another damaging "wrong" from Glenn's corner of the ring. This Bundy Ranch thing. Beck is wrong, again, about that. But he's listening better than he used to and maybe before long he'll become as wise about the planks in his own platform as his people across the land are. Jerry is our example.
Glenn Beck, Son! If you would just ask, we'd help you keep up to speed on this business of saving America. First rule of life is: Centralized power in government is bad, cannot be good, and bites the hand of all who empowered it. That is why our Founders did not require in the Constitution that we natural-born citizens swear an Oath to the Constitution - because We The People reserved to ourselves the Right to Revolution. That is a prerogative given us by the Founders, and when any government becomes as oppressive and authoritarian in its nature as our present Federal government has grown to be, it is our right and our duty to throw off that government.... yes? That is why we reserved to ourselves, always, the Right to Revolution. Glenn Beck, while you think on that, please always remember that there is no signature on the Constitution by or on behalf of the Federal (General) government. The only signatories on the document which created the Federal government are those of the States in compact. Glenn, the States created it. They own it, and they can shut it down any time they wish.
Everything in your gut, Glenn, tells you that Cliven Bundy is a righteous man, with a good American family. And we who study the Constitution are screaming it out to you if you would just listen. But perhaps when your own people rise up publicly as Jerry has done here, and show you by example how to correct your perception to allow you to take proper action, you'll get the picture and make that last leap of faith into the world of true liberty fighters.
Jerry, as editor for Oath Keepers I'd like to offer you my sincere Salute. Thank you for an outstanding example for all Americans to admire. As for Glenn Beck, we love him, we forgive him, we encourage him to continue the opening of his mind as the past couple of years have shown he is capable, and we encourage him to follow your lead
for the good of America.
Semper Fi, Bro!
Elias Alias, editor
A Letter Concerning Toleration
The toleration of those that differ from others in matters of religion is so agreeable to the Gospel of Jesus Christ, and to the genuine reason of mankind, that it seems monstrous for men to be so blind as not to perceive the necessity and advantage of it in so clear a light. I will not here tax the pride and ambition of some, the passion and uncharitable zeal of others. These are faults from which human affairs can perhaps scarce ever be perfectly freed; but yet such as nobody will bear the plain imputation of, without covering them with some specious colour; and so pretend to commendation, whilst they are carried away by their own irregular passions. But, however, that some may not colour their spirit of persecution and unchristian cruelty with a pretence of care of the public weal and observation of the laws; and that others, under pretence of religion, may not seek impunity for their libertinism and licentiousness; in a word, that none may impose either upon himself or others, by the pretences of loyalty and obedience to the prince, or of tenderness and sincerity in the worship of God; I esteem it above all things necessary to distinguish exactly the business of civil government from that of religion and to settle the just bounds that lie between the one and the other. If this be not done, there can be no end put to the controversies that will be always arising between those that have, or at least pretend to have, on the one side, a concernment for the interest of men's souls, and, on the other side, a care of the commonwealth.
The commonwealth seems to me to be a society of men constituted only for the procuring, preserving, and advancing their own civil interests.
Civil interests I call life, liberty, health, and indolence of body; and the possession of outward things, such as money, lands, houses, furniture, and the like.
It is the duty of the civil magistrate, by the impartial execution of equal laws, to secure unto all the people in general and to every one of his subjects in particular the just possession of these things belonging to this life. If anyone presume to violate the laws of public justice and equity, established for the preservation of those things, his presumption is to be checked by the fear of punishment, consisting of the deprivation or diminution of those civil interests, or goods, which otherwise he might and ought to enjoy. But seeing no man does willingly suffer himself to be punished by the deprivation of any part of his goods, and much less of his liberty or life, therefore, is the magistrate armed with the force and strength of all his subjects, in order to the punishment of those that violate any other man's rights.
Now that the whole jurisdiction of the magistrate reaches only to these civil concernments, and that all civil power, right and dominion, is bounded and confined to the only care of promoting these things; and that it neither can nor ought in any manner to be extended to the salvation of souls, these following considerations seem unto me abundantly to demonstrate.
First, because the care of souls is not committed to the civil magistrate, any more than to other men. It is not committed unto him, I say, by God, because it appears not that God has ever given any such authority to one man over another as to compel anyone to his religion. Nor can any such power be vested in the magistrate by the consent of the people, because no man can so far abandon the care of his own salvation as blindly to leave to the choice of any other, whether prince or subject, to prescribe to him what faith or worship he shall embrace. For no man can, if he would, conform his faith to the dictates of another. All the life and power of true religion consist in the inward and full persuasion of the mind; and faith is not faith without believing.
* * *
In the second place, the care of souls cannot belong to the civil magistrate, because his power consists only in outward force; but true and saving religion consists in the inward persuasion of the mind, without which nothing can be acceptable to God. And such is the nature of the understanding, that it cannot be compelled to the belief of anything by outward force. Confiscation of estate, imprisonment, torments, nothing of that nature can have any such efficacy as to make men change the inward judgment that they have framed of things.
* * *
In the third place, the care of the salvation of men's souls cannot belong to the magistrate; because, though the rigor of laws and the force of penalties were capable to convince and change men's minds, yet would not that help at all to the salvation of their souls . . . In the variety and contradiction of opinions in religion, wherein the princes of the world are as much divided as in their secular interests, the narrow way would be much straitened; one country alone would be in the right, and all the rest of the world put under an obligation of following their princes in the ways that lead to destruction; and that which heightens the absurdity, and very ill suits the notion of a Deity, men would owe their eternal happiness or misery to the places of their nativity.
* * *
Let us now consider what a church is. A church, then, I take to be a voluntary society of men, joining themselves together of their own accord in order to the public worshipping of God in such manner as they judge acceptable to Him, and effectual to the salvation of their souls.
I say it is a free and voluntary society. Nobody is born a member of any church; otherwise the religion of parents would descend unto children by the same right of inheritance as their temporal estates, and everyone would hold his faith by the same tenure he does his lands, than which nothing can be imagined more absurd. Thus, therefore, that matter stands. No man by nature is bound unto any particular church or sect, but everyone joins himself voluntarily to that society in which he believes he has found that profession and worship which is truly acceptable to God. The hope of salvation, as it was the only cause of his entrance into that communion, so it can be the only reason of his stay there. For if afterwards he discover anything either erroneous in the doctrine or incongruous in the worship of that society to which he has joined himself, why should it not be as free for him to go out as it was to enter? No member of a religious society can be tied with any other bonds but what proceed from the certain expectation of eternal life. A church, then, is a society of members voluntarily uniting to that end.
It follows now that we consider what is the power of this church and unto what laws it is subject.
* * *
The end of a religious society (as has already been said) is the public worship of God and, by means thereof, the acquisition of eternal life. All discipline ought, therefore, to tend to that end, and all ecclesiastical laws to be thereunto confined. Nothing ought nor can be transacted in this society relating to the possession of civil and worldly goods. No force is here to be made use of upon any occasion whatsoever. For force belongs wholly to the civil magistrate, and the possession of all outward goods is subject to his jurisdiction.
But, it may be asked, by what means then shall ecclesiastical laws be established, if they must be thus destitute of all compulsive power? I answer: They must be established by means suitable to the nature of such things, whereof the external profession and observation--if not proceeding from a thorough conviction and approbation of the mind--is altogether useless and unprofitable. The arms by which the members of this society are to be kept within their duty are exhortations, admonitions, and advices. If by these means the offenders will not be reclaimed, and the erroneous convinced, there remains nothing further to be done but that such stubborn and obstinate persons, who give no ground to hope for their reformation, should be cast out and separated from the society. This is the last and utmost force of ecclesiastical authority. No other punishment can thereby be inflicted than that, the relation ceasing between the body and the member which is cut off. The person so condemned ceases to be a part of that church.
These things being thus determined, let us inquire, in the next place: How far the duty of toleration extends, and what is required from everyone by it?
And, first, I hold that no church is bound, by the duty of toleration, to retain any such person in her bosom as, after admonition, continues obstinately to offend against the laws of the society. For, these being the condition of communion and the bond of the society, if the breach of them were permitted without any animadversion the society would immediately be thereby dissolved . . . Excommunication neither does, nor can, deprive the excommunicated person of any of those civil goods that he formerly possessed. All those things belong to the civil government and are under the magistrate's protection. The whole force of excommunication consists only in this: that, the resolution of the society in that respect being declared, the union that was between the body and some member comes thereby to be dissolved; and, that relation ceasing, the participation of some certain things which the society communicated to its members, and unto which no man has any civil right, comes also to cease. . .
Secondly, no private person has any right in any manner to prejudice another person in his civil enjoyments because he is of another church or religion. All the rights and franchises that belong to him as a man, or as a denizen, are inviolably to be preserved to him. These are not the business of religion. No violence nor injury is to be offered him, whether he be Christian or Pagan. Nay, we must not content ourselves with the narrow measures of bare justice; charity, bounty, and liberality must be added to it. This the Gospel enjoins, this reason directs, and this that natural fellowship we are born into requires of us. If any man err from the right way, it is his own misfortune, no injury to thee; nor therefore art thou to punish him in the things of this life because thou supposest he will be miserable in that which is to come.
What I say concerning the mutual toleration of private persons differing from one another in religion, I understand also of particular churches which stand, as it were, in the same relation to each other as private persons among themselves: nor has any one of them any manner of jurisdiction over any other; no, not even when the civil magistrate (as it sometimes happens) comes to be of this or the other communion. For the civil government can give no new right to the church, nor the church to the civil government. So that, whether the magistrate join himself to any church, or separate from it, the church remains always as it was before--a free and voluntary society. It neither requires the power of the sword by the magistrate's coming to it, nor does it lose the right of instruction and excommunication by his going from it. This is the fundamental and immutable right of a spontaneous society--that it has power to remove any of its members who transgress the rules of its institution; but it cannot, by the accession of any new members, acquire any right of jurisdiction over those that are not joined with it. And therefore peace, equity, and friendship are always mutually to be observed by particular churches, in the same manner as by private persons, without any pretence of superiority or jurisdiction over one another.
* * *
Nobody, therefore, in fine, neither single persons nor churches, nay, nor even commonwealths, have any just title to invade the civil rights and worldly goods of each other upon pretence of religion. Those that are of another opinion would do well to consider with themselves how pernicious a seed of discord and war, how powerful a provocation to endless hatreds, rapines, and slaughters they thereby furnish unto mankind. No peace and security, no, not so much as common friendship, can ever be established or preserved amongst men so long as this opinion prevails, that dominion is founded in grace and that religion is to be propagated by force of arms.
In the third place, let us see what the duty of toleration requires from those who are distinguished from the rest of mankind (from the laity, as they please to call us) by some ecclesiastical character and office; whether they be bishops, priests, presbyters, ministers, or however else dignified or distinguished. It is not my business to inquire here into the original of the power or dignity of the clergy. This only I say, that, whencesoever their authority be sprung, since it is ecclesiastical, it ought to be confined within the bounds of the Church, nor can it in any manner be extended to civil affairs, because the Church itself is a thing absolutely separate and distinct from the commonwealth. The boundaries on both sides are fixed and immovable. He jumbles heaven and earth together, the things most remote and opposite, who mixes these two societies, which are in their original, end, business, and in everything perfectly distinct and infinitely different from each other. No man, therefore, with whatsoever ecclesiastical office he be dignified, can deprive another man that is not of his church and faith either of liberty or of any part of his worldly goods upon the account of that difference between them in religion. For whatsoever is not lawful to the whole Church cannot by any ecclesiastical right become lawful to any of its members.
John Locke - 1689
If you compare these two schools of thought, you might quickly come to the question of, 'Which has been more successful at furthering mankind?'
5 Now when Jesus saw the crowds, he went up on a mountainside and sat down. His disciples came to him, 2 and he began to teach them.
3 “Blessed are the poor in spirit,
for theirs is the kingdom of heaven.
4 Blessed are those who mourn,
for they will be comforted.
5 Blessed are the meek,
for they will inherit the earth.
6 Blessed are those who hunger and thirst for righteousness,
for they will be filled.
7 Blessed are the merciful,
for they will be shown mercy.
8 Blessed are the pure in heart,
for they will see God.
9 Blessed are the peacemakers,
for they will be called children of God.
10 Blessed are those who are persecuted because of righteousness,
for theirs is the kingdom of heaven.
11 “Blessed are you when people insult you, persecute you and falsely say all kinds of evil against you because of me. 12 Rejoice and be glad, because great is your reward in heaven, for in the same way they persecuted the prophets who were before you.
The whole concept of war is antithetical to the laws of nature and nature's God, the Natural Law. Why does the United States even entertain the idea of aggression? Even and especially for religious purposes.
Obviously, there is a great misunderstanding about the use of force with mankind. I suggest that we study the Natural Law to discern that, among 'practicers' of this law, there is no place for force, much less war.
It will be interesting to see what kind of tough talk comes out of the mouth of Eric Holder now. The “don’t go there buddy” attorney general claims that it bothered him to be the only attorney general in the history of the United States to be held in Contempt of Congress. He’s about to get even more bothered.
On Tuesday a bill was released by Rep Blake Farenthold (R-TX) which would cut off pay to federal officials such who have been held in contempt of Congress.
POLL: Will Lois Lerner go to jail to protect Obama?
You might remember Farenthold refusing to question Holder during hearings as, in his opinion, Holder should not have been before Congress but inside of a jail cell.
Not only is Holder at risk of losing his paychecks, Lois Lerner would be affected by this action as well.
Rep Farenthold said, “The American people should not be footing the bill for federal employees who stonewall Congress or rewarding government officials’ bad behavior. If the average American failed to do his or her job, he or she would hardly be rewarded.”
If you listened to Glenn Beck the last couple days, you have heard him voice his grave concern about the Bundy Ranch. We need to do something.
It is important for WE THE PEOPLE to call the State Senators and the Governor about the likely impending raid by BLM. Warn them of the supreme danger of failing to take action to bring about a peaceful solution.
If we fear that events may take a turn towards violence, don't we have a responsibility to do what we can? Not just the leadership, but we all will bear blame for any violent outcome.
Are we just going to wait while BLM prepares to shoot, raid,, confiscate, or whatever anything belonging to the Bundys? Likewise, are we as Americans really okay with the Bundy's or Bundy's protesters willingness to die in defending Bundy's property and family? Wouldn't it be far better for EVERYONE TO GO HOME and leave each other in peace?
Haven't we had an impact in signing petitions to block the UN Small Arms Treaty, raise awareness of the dangers of Common Core, Obamacare, the NSA, the IRS? We can do this, too.
The tragedy of Waco occurred on April 19th. Let's not have a repeat.
Lord, let us be an instrument of thy peace.
. Land disputes need to be resolved in a court of law, not with bullets. Nobody wins once violence breaks out.
Please call and demand that these elected officials get involved now to put an end to the build up of force surrounding the Bundy ranch.
Bureau of Land Management
Brian Sandoval, Governor
Phone: (775) 684-5670
Harry Reid (D)
Washington, D.C. Office 202-224-3542
State office (Reno) 775-686-5750
Senator Dean Heller (R)
DC Office Phone: 202-224-6244
Sheriff's Officee, Clark County. Nevada
District A - Cmr. Steve Sisolak
District B - Cmr. Tom Collins
District C - Cmr. Larry Brown
District D - Cmr. Lawrence Weekly
District E - Cmr. Chris Giunchigliani
District F - Cmr. Susan Brager
District G - Cmr. Mary Beth Scow
Your support keeps freedom alive!